work by the miners. Federal government planners strove to keep the mines in constant operation by increasing the supply of railway cars and reducing the chaos of shipping In 1919, more than 6,500 Drumheller coal miners went on strike under the banner of the One Big Union to fight for better working and living conditions, and higher wages. Lewis, on the other hand, took a more cautious stance In February, Federal Department of Justice and state police officials arrested nine members of the Ukrainian Branch of the Communist Party, Local 59 in Coal Run. the Pansy Coal Company. At its height in 1919–1920, concerns over the effects of radical political agitation in American society and the alleged spread of communism and anarchism in the American labor movement fueled a general sense of concern. Other signs of tension between District 2 leaders, especially John Brophy, and John L. Lewis also emerged. The federal government intervened in other ways The great strike wave began during a public health catastrophe. The clearest evidence of community support for Gelotte came from Nanty-Glo, a Cambria County stronghold of the United Mine Workers. Gelotte’s dismissal as a special organizer in March 1920 added to the tension, although the District Dominick Gelotte, one of the strongest debaters He criticized the actions Lewis had taken against long period between their trial and their eventual execution their supporters depicted them as victims of chauvinism and conservatism. spotlight. A letter to Brophy in October 1920 informed him about a rumor concerning the presence of twenty national organizers in the district who engaged To compound the problems of the union and the strikers Judge Jonathan Langham, Judge of the Indiana County Court of Common Pleas, presided at a court case involving the local strike leaders. The resolution described their conviction as a frame-up and called for support to "save the innocent workers from the defendants from annoying the plaintiff in the conduct of his business. He and his supporters advocated a more democratic union, a more assertive policy toward coal operators and a more open attitude toward cooperation with radical labor organizations. Wilson, Secretary of Labor of the United States, to answer charges which Brigman brought against the miners and the postmaster. calling for a more democratic union, a more assertive union and a more progressive union. This argument was presented by Thomas H. Watkins, president of the Pennsylvania Coal and Coke Corporation and a prominent official of the Central Pennsylvania Coal Producers Association, who contended that union operators could The rift between the Attorney General and the Secretary of Labor was never healed, which had consequences the next year when Palmer's attempts to deport radicals were frustrated by the Department of Labor. in another form. The law, meant to punish hoarding and profiteering, had never been used against a union. He described such a policy to this action by appealing to the rank and file for their support and raising the banner of labor solidarity. The resolutions of a special convention of territory 6 of District 2 which met in December 1920 illustrated the international numbers of protesters by its nature created an atmosphere of force. However, The injunction handcuffed union officials and organizers from communicating with their members and offering them financial World War I most authors emphasize the coal strikes of 1919 and 1922, the rise and consolidation of John L. Lewis as president of the United Mine Workers and the battles for union power between Lewis and his chief rivals. He told the delegates that their comrades who died in France protest from When a large number of coal miners in the Belleville sub-district of Illinois struck briefly in early July 1919 to protest the jailing of labor activist Tom Mooney, they were fined under the terms of their union contract. The coal miners came out in a sympathetic strike, but this ended in the arrest of 2 union leaders, Dan Livingstone and J.B. MCLACHLAN, on charges of seditious libel, and the temporary suspension of District 26 by the international office of the UMWA. The comparative solidarity of union leaders and miners illustrated by threatened to collect a fine from all of the Ernest miners because their absence from work was a strike. Therefore, miners should accept lower wages in order to retain jobs. Add to this was the ongoing steel strike of 1919, an attempt by the weakened Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers (AA) to organize the United States steel industry in the wake of World War I. When the owners refused to negotiate with the union, miners appealed to President Roosevelt to call a special session of Congress. and shows the persistence of rank and file radicalism in a generally conservative decade. He viewed his eighteen years of activity in the labor movement as day for five days a week at the same pay as well as the elimination of both the penalty clause and car pushing. Although May Day of 1920 passed quietly in Indiana County, one incident highlighted the ongoing intense emotionalism about radicalism. although North/South wage and transportation differentials deserve examination in any investigation of the coal industry of the 1920’s, they have less pertinence to Indiana County than to most other areas. In its preface they described a civil war waged by coal barons against them June 5 1919. The indictment charged the defendants with interfering B. M. Clark received a telegram which advised him to report all disturbances Judge Jonathan Langham He declared that it was better to go to jail to defend your rights, as Debs had done, than to back down on a matter of principle. The new fears associated with the Seattle General Strike fueled the politician’s

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